Purpose Won’t Cover a $400 Emergency

A new NBER working paper forced over a million real tradeoffs across 126 dimensions of life from 3,300 respondents. When people can’t just endorse everything, when they actually have to choose, a clear hierarchy emerges. Family well-being, financial security, and health dominate. Children’s health alone carries marginal utility 67 times the average dimension. Happiness and life satisfaction, the twin pillars of modern well-being science, rank 35th and 36th. Status, prosocial virtues, meaning-at-work, the things people readily cite in surveys, collapse toward the bottom when they have to be traded against something real.

The paper is careful about what this means. High marginal utility for something could reflect how deeply you value it, or how little of it you have. Deprivation drives up the value of each additional unit. The paper distinguishes between these interpretations carefully, and for financial security and health specifically, the data points toward deprivation. People aren’t ranking these things because of what they believe. They’re ranking them because of what they lack.

Pause there for a moment.

What that means, precisely, is that the workers in the organizations these managers lead are ranking financial security, alongside things like children’s health, which carries 67 times the average marginal utility, not as an expression of their values but as a direct measure of how much of it they don’t have. The survey isn’t capturing preferences. It’s capturing the shape of a gap. And the gap has an address.

The Federal Reserve has been confirming this for years. More than a third of American adults cannot cover a $400 emergency using cash or its equivalent. Between 1979 and 2024, US productivity rose 80.9% while hourly pay for workers grew only 29.4%. Upper-income households now hold 48% of total US household income, up from 29% in 1970. In 2024 alone, S&P 500 companies returned $942.5 billion in share buybacks, a new annual record, plus $657 billion in dividends. Over the last five years, buybacks alone are $4.1 trillion.1

The national food budget shortfall (the actual dollar gap between what food-insecure Americans have and what they need) is $32 billion a year. Closing it entirely, for all five of those years, would have cost $160 billion. The five-year buyback total is more than 25 times that figure.

Buybacks are not irrational. Capital returned to investors moves somewhere. The question the arithmetic raises isn’t whether the mechanism is efficient. It’s whether the aggregate pattern of those decisions, sustained across decades, has produced consequences that the mechanism itself doesn’t account for, and whether calling it efficient settles anything about those consequences.

Buybacks were not always a defining feature of American corporate finance. The SEC’s adoption of Rule 10b-18 in 1982 created a legal safe harbor for share repurchases. What followed was not inevitable. It was a specific revisable decision about where surplus goes. No single firm can step outside its competitive labor market unilaterally. However, the pattern that no single firm produced alone is nonetheless the pattern all of them are operating inside. Individual constraint and collective consequence are both real. Acknowledging one doesn’t dissolve the other.

The management writing industry has spent this same period building an elaborate architecture of purpose, meaning, and psychological safety. Most of the people who built it, and most of the people who bought it, are not cynics. They were trying to do something real. But there is a particular kind of self-deception available to people who are genuinely trying, the kind that lets you attend the psychological safety workshop in the afternoon without connecting it to the capital allocation meeting in the morning. The kind that lets you hold both realities in the same week without feeling their weight against each other.

This is not an argument about tax policy or labor law, though both matter. It’s an argument addressed to managers: people whose decisions about compensation, staffing, and resource allocation are neither purely personal nor purely systemic. They are something in between, which is precisely where agency lives. The question of what falls within that space is not answered by pointing to what falls outside it.

The research doesn’t adjudicate between purpose and pay. It sequences them. When people must choose, the material floor comes first, not as a preference but as a need. Everything else is built on top of it. An organization that has not secured that floor for its people, while demonstrably holding the resources to do so, is not facing an engagement problem.

It is facing the question it has been avoiding.


Annual S&P 500 buyback totals: 2020— $519.8B; 2021— $881.7B; 2022— $922.7B; 2023— $795.2B; 2024— $942.5B. Total: $4.06 trillion. For context, Germany’s nominal GDP in 2024 was approximately $4.66 trillion. The five-year buyback total represents roughly 88% of that figure.

Sources

NBER Working Paper

Benjamin, D.J., Cooper, K., Heffetz, O., Kimball, M.S., & Kundu, T. (2025). What Do People Want? NBER Working Paper No. 33846. nber.org/papers/w33846

Federal Reserve — $400 Emergency Expense

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. (2025). Economic Well-Being of U.S. Households in 2024. federalreserve.gov

Wage Growth vs. Productivity

Mishel, L., and Kandra, J. (2026). The Productivity-Pay Gap. Economic Policy Institute. epi.org/productivity-pay-gap

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Labor Productivity and Costs, Nonfarm Business Sector. bls.gov/lpc

Pew Research Center. (2018). For most US workers, real wages have barely budged for decades. pewresearch.org

Distribution of Economic Gains

Pew Research Center. (2015). The American Middle Class is Losing Ground. pewresearch.org

Stock Buybacks

S&P Dow Jones Indices. (March 2025). S&P 500 Q4 2024 Buybacks Increase 7.4% and 2024 Expenditure Sets New Record. prnewswire.com

S&P Dow Jones Indices. (March 2022). S&P 500 Buybacks Set Quarterly and Annual Record. prnewswire.com

Rule 10b-18

U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. (1982). Rule 10b-18. 17 CFR § 240.10b-18. sec.gov

Food Budget Shortfall

Feeding America. (2025). Map the Meal Gap 2025. feedingamerica.org

Two-Income Households

Bureau of Labor Statistics. (April 2025). Employment Characteristics of Families — 2024. bls.gov

Child Food Insecurity

USDA Economic Research Service. (December 2025). Household Food Security in the United States in 2024. ers.usda.gov

Germany GDP

World Bank National Accounts Data. GDP (current US$) — Germany, 2024. data.worldbank.org

==

photo by Joss Woodhead 

On Business Viability and Human Dignity: Questions for Reflection

The following questions emerge from and refer back to the arguments made in my article When Business “Viability” Comes at Human Cost. They highlight the key ethical issues the article addresses.

 

On Work and Human Dignity

  • What does it say about us that we accept, and even expect, that certain kinds of work will not support the people who perform it?
  • Do we truly believe that all work has dignity if some work is structured in a way that makes survival difficult?
  • Is it ever justifiable to treat people as disposable means to an end in a market economy?

On Business Viability and Responsibility

  • Should a business be considered viable if it can only survive by paying workers less than they need to live?
  • Who truly bears the costs when wages are too low—workers, taxpayers, communities, or businesses themselves in the long run?
  • What might happen if we expanded our definition of business success beyond just profitability?

On Power and Decision-Making

  • Who decides what counts as a “fair” wage, and on what basis?
  • Why do we treat investors as knowingly taking risks but not low-wage workers? Should workers have more access to financial transparency?
  • What role do consumers play in shaping wage structures through their purchasing decisions?

On Economic Assumptions and Possibilities

  • What economic assumptions underlie the idea that raising wages threatens business viability?
  • What innovations or adaptations might emerge if businesses could no longer rely on below-living wages?
  • How have past labor reforms—such as the end of child labor or the 40-hour workweek—challenged and ultimately reshaped economic expectations?
  • Are we truly choosing between low-wage jobs or no jobs at all, or are there other options we have yet to fully explore?

On Ethics and Social Responsibility

  • What does fairness look like in an economic community?
  • Do businesses have an obligation to contribute to the social well-being of the context in which they operate? If so, how should that be defined?
  • How should we balance individual responsibility (workers negotiating wages, businesses seeking profit) with collective responsibility (ensuring a just economic system)?

When Business “Viability” Comes at Human Cost

This is an updated version of “If Your Business Can’t Afford Living Wages, It’s Already Failing” that you will find below. A conversation with a reader had me revisit the wording of the original piece.


What happens when a business survives only because its workers cannot? This is not a question we often ask in economic discussions, yet it cuts to the heart of how we choose to behave in a market economy.

Consider this statement I encountered recently:

Employers hate paying workers more because higher wages mean lower profit rates. Some marginally profitable businesses will face bankruptcy. Wealth holders will be concerned about companies raising prices to meet their profit objectives and causing inflation.

At first glance, this reads as neutral economic analysis. But what assumptions rest beneath these words? What might we discover if we examined the unspoken premises of this economic logic?

When we speak of “marginally profitable businesses,” we’re using language that conceals as much as it reveals. What does “marginal profitability” mean in human terms? For the business owner, it represents thin financial margins on the profit and loss statement. For workers, it often translates to lives lived on even thinner margins—choosing between medicine and food, working multiple jobs, relying on public assistance to bridge the gaps their wages cannot cover.

This raises uncomfortable questions about how we define business viability. We typically measure a company’s health by its ability to generate profit after covering its costs. But what if certain costs aren’t appearing on that profit and loss statement at all? What if they’ve been transferred elsewhere—to workers’ bodies, to families, to communities, to taxpayers?

When a business pays less than living wages, someone still pays the difference. The worker who postpones medical care until it becomes an emergency. The family that relies on food banks to supplement inadequate grocery budgets. The community that provides housing assistance. The taxpayers who fund public benefits for employed people whose paychecks don’t cover basic needs.

This isn’t to vilify business owners or entrepreneurs, many of whom operate under their own significant constraints and pressures. Rather, it’s an invitation to examine the choices we make in shaping our economy and whether they uphold the dignity of those within it. That a business is profitable is only one dimension of what it needs to be. Businesses don’t operate in a vacuum—they exist within a broader context. Having received from this context, should they not also contribute to it?

It invites us to examine how our economic arrangements shape the kind of society we become together. What behaviors and values do our business practices encourage? What kind of relationships do they foster between people? What does it mean when we accept—even expect—that certain categories of work will not support the workers who perform it?

Some might argue that workers unsatisfied with their wages can simply go elsewhere. But this response treats labor as a purely functional market input rather than something tied to human lives. It answers the mechanical question of how markets adjust, but not the ethical one: Is it ever justifiable to treat people as disposable means to an end?

And what about risk and transparency? Investors who provide capital to businesses do so with explicit awareness of the risks involved—indeed, they expect higher returns precisely because they acknowledge these risks. But do workers at low-wage employers enter with similar transparency about the company’s financial position? Or do they stake their livelihoods on these enterprises without the information investors would consider essential? This asymmetry is not just financial; it raises a deeper question about what fairness looks like in an economic community.

Perhaps most importantly, what alternatives might we imagine? If we questioned the necessity of business models built on below-living wages, what different arrangements might emerge? What innovations in business structure, technology, pricing, or consumer expectations might develop in response?

History offers some clues. Previous labor standards that seemed economically impossible at their introduction—the end of child labor, the 40-hour workweek, workplace safety regulations—did not destroy economic vitality as predicted. Instead, they spurred adaptation and often led to unexpected productivity improvements.

What if the choice isn’t between low-wage jobs or no jobs at all, but rather between our current arrangement and something we haven’t yet fully imagined—something that better aligns with both enterprise and human dignity?

Discussions about wages and business viability are not just technical matters. They are ethical ones, shaping the conditions under which people can build their lives. If we approach them with curiosity rather than resignation, what possibilities might we be overlooking?

==

 

If Your Business Can’t Afford Living Wages, It’s Already Failing

We call it entrepreneurship, but too often, it’s just corporate welfare. When businesses refuse to pay living wages, someone else covers the difference—taxpayers, families, communities. Workers stretch every dollar, rely on public assistance, or take on multiple jobs just to survive, all so “entrepreneurs” can keep labor costs low and profits intact. And yet, the only time we hear alarm bells about economic collapse is when workers demand more—never when businesses build their survival on poverty wages.

I came across this over the weekend: “Employers hate paying workers more because higher wages mean lower profit rates. Some marginally profitable businesses will face bankruptcy. Wealth holders will be concerned about companies raising prices to meet their profit objectives and causing inflation.”

This statement frames higher wages as simply eating into profits, but let’s call it what it is: a defense of business models built on paying people less than they need to live. If your company can only stay afloat by keeping workers in poverty, you don’t have a viable business—you have a failing operation propped up by other people’s hardship.

The hand-wringing about “marginally profitable businesses facing bankruptcy” conveniently ignores that these companies are already functionally bankrupt. They’re just offloading their failure onto workers’ backs instead of admitting it. Real viability means covering your actual costs—including paying people enough to live on.

What burns me up is how workers at these struggling companies shoulder all the risk without knowing it. They’re staking their entire livelihoods on businesses hanging by a thread, with zero transparency and none of the upside that investors get for taking similar risks. Their reward for this gamble? Barely making rent.

And that fear about inflation from wage increases? Funny how that concern disappears when discussing executive compensation or record corporate profits. The alarm only sounds when regular people might get a slightly larger slice of the pie.

But the problem doesn’t stop with individual workers. There’s a broader social cost to businesses that refuse to pay fair wages.

When wages are too low, workers don’t just struggle in isolation—the rest of society picks up the tab. Taxpayers subsidize companies that refuse to pay living wages through food assistance, housing programs, and healthcare. Entire communities suffer as local economies shrink, and people are trapped in cycles of financial insecurity with no way out. Chronic stress from low wages leads to health problems, burnout, and instability, all of which ripple outward.

And let’s be clear: the market doesn’t punish businesses that exploit workers—it rewards them. It’s not just that bad businesses manage to survive; it’s that they thrive in a system that incentivizes cutting labor costs at any expense. Meanwhile, businesses that pay fairly are put at a competitive disadvantage. This isn’t just a failure of individual companies—it’s a structural problem baked into how we define “success.”

So, let’s ask the real question: What kind of economy are we choosing to build? One that treats labor as a disposable cost? Or one that recognizes that a business that can’t afford to pay living wages isn’t a business at all—it’s just a machine extracting value from workers while someone else covers the consequences?

The cold truth? If paying living wages would kill your business, your business model is already dead—you’re just using workers as life support. And the rest of society is footing the bill.

==

Managers: it’s time to remind yourself why anyone should care

From the raw signal group:

Authors observe that a consequence of the great resignation is that people are walking into new jobs with a different attitude.

They didn’t come asking for meaning, or flavour, or for work to delight them. They came with boundaries and a list of expectations. And, listen: that’s a good thing. It’s extremely healthy for workers to want things like limits on working hours, competitive pay regardless of geography, and an ability to shut off work when they aren’t at work. We should hope that those gains, as uneven as they’ve been, outlast any pandemic or economic cycle.

Those changes are necessary. But they aren’t sufficient. Like a shopping mall food court, we’re surrounded by companies shouting about what a good deal they’re offering. Globally competitive salaries! 4 day work weeks in summer! Free dipping sauce! And in the midst of it, it feels like more people than ever before are finding their work really… bland. Like in the fight to compete for attention, employers have forgotten to build a culture worth fighting for.

So, insisting that we return to the office, to the same-old, just won’t cut it. And assuming that we’re all set because we are already remote or distributed won’t do it either. It’s not so much about the mode of work as it is the moment.

Their suggestion?

It’s time to tell the story again, bosses. Get your house in order on compensation and workload and expectations, for sure. But once you’ve done that, it’s time to remind yourself why anyone should care.

You may find this surprisingly hard at first. Why does your work matter? What impact does it have on the world around you, and why should someone who doesn’t care about the details of your industry give a shit? We don’t mean some sanitized corporate mission statement. We mean your own, real, authentically felt, dare-we-say-it-spicy sense of purpose.

Connect with that story. Tell that story. A modern one, with fresh spices. You want your people to feel it, to put the fire back in your organization. And you’re not gonna get there with the version that’s been sitting at the bottom of the drawer since 2019.

It’s not the overused and abused “Storytelling”. It’s creating clarity for yourself first.

Resilience is also about building capability

Greg Case:

Resilience is typically defined as a defensive capability that’s needed to “protect the house.” At Aon, we consider resilience a company-building capability, which is a fundamentally different orientation. We define resilience as the ability to take actions at scale that simultaneously defend the house and build the house, and we’ve seen many opportunities to do both during volatile times.

The most compelling and durable source of resilience is organizational. About 15 years ago, we recognized that our clients’ needs were outpacing our ability to innovate, so we took targeted actions to improve. This included making structural changes to operate as a truly global firm, which we call Aon United.

Our organizational ability to deliver the best of Aon to our clients globally through this strategy has proven critical to our success. It’s helpful in times of crisis, but, as we’ve learned from our clients, it also enables us to see opportunity where others may see only volatility and risk.

Greg Case, is CEO of Aon, a global professional-services firm.

Can we manage without managers?

In response to an article in The Economist about the need for middle managers, Michele Zanini writes:

Just because the ladder has fewer rungs doesn’t mean leadership opportunities are scarce-quite the opposite. By giving people the ability to gain influence (and compensation) based on accomplishment as opposed to advancement, an organization ends up with more, not fewer leaders. And these leaders don’t have to devote their talents and energy to politicking or sabotaging each other in zero-sum promotion battles.

The accomplishment-advancement distinction is worth exploring, but I don’t share Michele’s conclusion: the organization will likely end up with more spirit of initiative, not necessarily more “leaders”.

==
Highlighting content from my September 2021 newsletter.

Your job might be killing you

There are 120,000 excess deaths per year attributed to ten workplace conditions and they cause approximately $190 billion in incremental health care costs. That makes the workplace the fifth leading cause of death in the U.S. — higher than Alzheimer’s, higher than kidney disease.

  1. Being unemployed sometimes as a result of a layoff.
  2. Not having health insurance.
  3. Working shifts and also working longer periods, e.g., ten or twelve-hours shifts.
  4. Working long hours in a week (e.g., more than 40 hours per week).
  5. Job insecurity (resulting from colleagues being laid off or fired).
  6. Facing family-to-work and work-to-family spillover or conflict.
  7. Having relatively low control over one’s job e.g., workload.
  8. Facing high work demands such as pressure to increase productivity and to work quickly.
  9. Being in a work environment that offers low levels of social support (e.g., not having close relationships with co-workers.
  10. Working in a setting in which job- and employment-related decisions seem unfair.

Both articles report the findings published by Jeffrey Pfeffer in Dying for a Paycheck: How Modern Management Harms Employee Health and Company Performance—and What We Can Do About It.

I have not read the book yet, but I definitely will.

 

 

What does work flexibility look like?

A meta-analysis of the existing research on flexibility identified the fundamental components:

  • Where we work,
  • When we work, and
  • How predetermined our schedule is.

These component parts lead to six distinct types of flexibility:

  1. Remote: “Work from anywhere” – Remote employees keep standard office hours but are location independent. Their office is wherever they are.
  2. DeskPlus: “Partially office-based” – DeskPlus employees keep standard office hours and are partially location independent.
  3. TravelLite: “Minimal travel requirements” – TravelLite employees have minimal to no travel, with a maximum limit of 10% travel annually.
  4. TimeShift: “Standardly unconventional hours” – TimeShift employees reorder their working hours to create a set but unconventional schedule (outside of 9-5 conventions) that optimizes their productivity and performance.
  5. MicroAgility: “Freedom to adapt” – MicroAgility employees have the autonomy to step away from their work 1-3 hours at a time to accommodate the unexpected.
  6. PartTime: “Reduced workload” – PartTime employees serve in senior-level roles; they have the experience and skills to meet the company objectives on a reduced hours schedule.

 

Managers who claim to know the future are more often dangerous fools than great visionaries

As complex systems go, the interaction between the ball in flight and the moving fieldsman is still relatively simple. In principle, most of the knowledge needed to compute trajectories and devise an optimal strategy is available: we just don’t have the instruments or the time for analysis and computation. More often, the relevant information is not even potentially knowable. The skill of the sports player is not the result of superior knowledge of the future, but of an ability to employ and execute good strategies for making decisions in a complex and changing world. The same qualities are characteristic of the successful executive. Managers who know the future are more often dangerous fools than great visionaries.

(…) Good predictions may be available in structured, well-ordered, situations – but, even then, forecasts are properly conditional or probabilistic. There are few certainties about the future: but one is that hedgehogs who make confident statements on the basis of some universal theory will be as persistently misleading counselors in the future as in the past. And that the foxes (…) who scramble everywhere for scraps of information will provide better, if more nuanced, advice.

via John Kay.

 

The dumbest idea in the world: maximizing shareholder value

A Forbes piece on Roger Martin‘s book Fixing the Game: Bubbles, Crashes, and What Capitalism Can Learn from the NFL. I have not read the book yet. But I definitely will.

The “real market,” Martin explains, is the world in which factories are built, products are designed and produced, real products and services are bought and sold, revenues are earned, expenses are paid, and real dollars of profit show up on the bottom line. That is the world that executives control—at least to some extent.

The expectations market is the world in which shares in companies are traded between investors—in other words, the stock market. In this market, investors assess the real market activities of a company today and, on the basis of that assessment, form expectations as to how the company is likely to perform in the future. The consensus view of all investors and potential investors as to expectations of future performance shapes the stock price of the company.

“What would lead [a CEO],” asks Martin, “to do the hard, long-term work of substantially improving real-market performance when she can choose to work on simply raising expectations instead? Even if she has a performance bonus tied to real-market metrics, the size of that bonus now typically pales in comparison with the size of her stock-based incentives. Expectations are where the money is. And of course, improving real-market performance is the hardest and slowest way to increase expectations from the existing level.”

via Forbes.